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From the Radio Free Michigan archives
ftp://141.209.3.26/pub/patriot
If you have any other files you'd like to contribute, e-mail them to
bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu.
------------------------------------------------
CIABASE and "The CIA, Past, Present and Future, Part II"
The primary news re the Central Intelligence Agency in early
1994 was the discovery and arrest of Aldrich Ames as a spy for
Russia. The worst intelligence nightmare come true. I have not
been surprised by the CIA's ability to rise Phoenix-like from the
ashes of its many covert action and intelligence disasters - but
will it survive the Aldrich Ames debacle? The question is
academic, for if the CIA does not survive some new or
re-designed intelligence agency will rise to take its role; e.g.,
implementing policy while supplying "intelligence" to justify
policy goals. (Already the commission to investigate the
intelligence community's deficiencies -- the Warner/Aspin
Commission has laid out the ground rules and will narrowly
focus on non-substantive issues.)
As early as 1951, Walter "Beetle" Smith, director of the CIA
under Truman, said covert action was distracting CIA from
gathering and analysis of intelligence and asked whether the
Agency would continue as an intelligence agency or had become a
"cold war department." Allen Dulles, the director under
Eisenhower, answered the question and chose the latter path and
in some years spent up to eighty percent of the CIA's budget on
covert operations. Covert dominance persisted until the
Congressional investigations of the mid-1970s. Over the years
the Agency increased expenditures for technical collection
systems but CIA-supplied budget figures consistently understate
its covert action costs.
For example, during the Afghanistan war the covert budget
was nearly one billion dollars in one year, a figure openly
discussed in Congress. At the same time the CIA claimed it spent
only three percent of its money for covert operations. Those
figures reflect an impossibly high amount but demonstrate how
the CIA deceives the American people about the size and expense
of its covert operations.
The CIA continues its role as the maker or breaker of
governments while in the catbird seat of providing supportive
intelligence. Critics of the Agency's egregious intelligence
miss the point, its intelligence is designed to fail -- it must
produce politicized intelligence -- that is its role, to provide
information to justify policy. Occasionally presidents need
real intelligence but the infrastructure is so distorted by this
requirement, and so bloated by bureaucrats, that it is incapable
of providing accurate, unbiased information. An insiders'
book, "Silent Warfare: Understanding the World of Intelligence,"
by Abram N. Shulsky, argues that seeking intelligence to support
policy is a legitimate task of the CIA.
The move to transfer or augment or conceal the CIA's role in
covert operations began over ten years ago with creation of the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and later with the
establishment of the Joint Special Forces Command.
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also play a role in
foreign policy.
The Joint Special Forces Command assumes or supplements the
Agency's role in paramilitary operations; low intensity
conflicts; strategic reconnaissance; unconventional warfare,
including covert or clandestine operations, subversion,
sabotage, intelligence collection, and, escape and evasion;
psychological operations, counterterrorism, and others.
(Special Forces also collect demographic information on
indigenous populations - a task similar to the much disputed
"Project Camelot," of the 1960s).
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also appear to
to be involved in CIA covert actions. The degree to which they
serve as cover for CIA operations, funding, or personnel
is not known. The book, "Holy War, Holy Victory," one of the
few substantive books on covert action in Pakistan and
Afghanistan in the 1980s, says European NGOs that sprung up
around CIA operations were so intertwined with CIA it was
impossible to separate them.
The Clinton Administration pushes the theme of promoting
democracy around the world. In October 1994, the administration
confirmed its worldwide program of intervention via Morton
Halperin, former head of the ACLU in D.C., who is now special
assistant to the president and senior director for democracy at
the National Security Council. Halperin said, "We divide the
world in two, those countries who choose democracy, we
help....in those who do not choose it, we create conditions
where they will choose it." This statement indicates, of course,
the CIA, or whatever, will continue the eternal, never-changing
role of subverting other governments while reporting only
policy-supportive intelligence.
The United States "promotes democracy" in the less accessible,
restricted societies -- Third World countries and the former
Soviet States. The current democracy-promoting operations
follow a pattern. The Administration, by influencing established
human rights organizations and/or by creating new human rights
groups, 12 in Africa alone, declares a country to be in
violation of human rights. Propaganda damns these miscreants.
Once a government has been appropriately demonized -- diplomatic,
political, propaganda, media operations and economic measures
are applied to force the target country to honor human rights.
When the target nation lessens or abolishes political
restrictions, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the
United States Information Agency (USIA), the government-backed
and guided Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), the
International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation (OPIC), the Export-Import Bank, the State
Department, the Agency for International Development (AID), and
the CIA all begin overt or covert operations to modify or
replace governing authority. When these methods fail, we have
the Joint Special Forces Command to fight the "insurgency,"
with "counterinsurgency" operations.
NED is the primary overt vehicle for political operations --
in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, Eastern Europe
and in the former states of the USSR. NED subsidizes and
influences elections, political parties, think tanks, academia,
business groups, book publishers, media, and labor, religious,
women's, and youth organizations. NED assumed this role from CIA
beginning in 1983, and uses many of the same institutions but
operates more openly. While NED is in the open drawing all the
attention, it is in part a smoke screen for operations by
other organizations. As proof we cite a government study
that states the United States through AID and USIA, "and other
agencies," is a huge and primary source of funding for democracy
promotion programs.
An explicit demonstration of all of these this processes
was revealed recently when Russia's Federal Counterintelligence
Service reported in early 1995, that American research centers,
institutes and aid organizations, were in fact spying on Russia
and working to undermine it as a competitor to the U.S. "Through
their special services [CIA] and scientific centers, the U.S.
is penetrating deeply into all spheres of our country's life,
occupying strategic positions and influencing the development of
political and economic processes in Russia....The use of
scientific centers in intelligence and sabotage activities
against Russia acquires a total character."
The report named the Soros Foundation and dozens of other U.S.
organizations that it says are using Russia's open atmosphere to
engage in subversive activity designed to steal secrets or
restrain Russia as a competitor to the "one and only superpower."
The report names groups from Harvard, Columbia and Duke
Universities and their involvement in the December 1993
parliamentary elections. The university groups organized large
polling samples and asked many detailed questions. Comment:
This sort of activity was part of the social conditioning
programming of the notorious Project Camelot, a Pentagon
counterinsurgency project that envisioned an alliance of the
Pentagon and the academic community on a scale similar to the
Manhattan project. Camelot was used in Chile in the sixties
but the resulting outcry forced its cancellation.
Another good example of U.S. interference is China.
Prior to the Tiananmen Square incident, NED maintained
two offices inside China and conducted regular seminars on
Democracy. NED also sponsored various Chinese writers and
publications. Probably NED or CIA, recruited numerous Chinese
students studying in the United States; and, when Tiananmen
Square erupted, either sent of helped fax thousands of letters
to recipients in China, inflamed opinion via the Voice of
America; and, sheltered a leading dissident in the U.S. Embassy -
which also arranged for many dissidents to flee China. NED
continues to support Chinese activists and awards Tiananmen's
"Goddess of Democracy," to noted dissidents of all nations.
In the early part of 1994, the United States tried to force
the Chinese to allow U.S.-backed Chinese and Tibetan activists
freer reign in exchange for continuation of the Most Favored
Nation (MFN) trade status and called China a violator of human
rights. (In May 1994, Chinese police detained four members of
a local Association for Human Rights as one of their number
boarded a flight for the United States). In late May 1994,
Clinton, bowing to pressure from business interests, separated
human rights from China's Most Favored Nation (MFN) trade status.
The other more prominent NED operations in 1993 and early 1994
in Asia, were Vietnam and Burma. In the case of Burma, the
Administration announced a diplomatic campaign in March 1994,
to isolate the Burmese government while proclaiming we were
considering economic sanctions to force Burma to improve its
human rights. Some of the activities sponsored in Burma by
NED as listed in NED's 1993 annual report, include the Democratic
Voice of Burma, the National League for Democracy/Liberated Area;
the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB);
and, the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma.
We continue operations to promote democracy in Vietnam.
Such operations first began in the early 1950s, and became
the Vietnam War. As a tragic footnote to history, the
Vietnamese Government in mid-June 1994, announced their death toll:
three million people - one million North Vietnamese and 2 million
soldiers and civilians of the South. In addition more than 4
million sustained injuries and over 2 million people were
made invalids.
There appears to be a great deal of ambiguity on the part of
domestic political ideologies as to whether promoting democracy
is good or bad, should be condoned or condemned, or supported
or opposed selectively. In South Africa, the former Soviet
Republics, Somalia, Bosnia, Haiti, China, Burma, and some other
countries - there is support, even pressure, for U.S.
interference, but in other countries, many object to the U.S.
role. In my experience with, and research on the CIA, the
majority of United States political operations have had
disastrous consequences for the target countries and in many
cases, also for the United States.
Where the U.S. has operated to change governments, it
frequently replaced popular administrations with military
dictatorships, or with elected governments that fronted for
military rule, or with very conservative civilian rule.
From Iran in 1953, to the 1994 election in El Salvador -
CIABASE records dozens of examples of the tragic consequences
of U.S. intervention.
BOOKS, AND OTHER SOURCES ADDED TO CIABASE THIS PERIOD:
POWER AND PRINCIPLE: MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY
ADVISER 1977-1981, by Zbigniew Brzezinski. Published in New
York by Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Brzezinski implies that in
his position in the Trilateral Commission in the mid 1970s,
he chose Jimmy Carter to be the Democrat's presidential
candidate. After the election, Carter named Trilateralists
to all top national security and foreign policy positions.
We note Trilateralists and members of the Trilateral
Commission's sister organization, the Council on Foreign
Relations, occupy all top level foreign policy positions in
the Clinton Administration.
HOLY WAR, UNHOLY VICTORY: EYEWITNESS TO THE CIA'S SECRET
WAR IN AFGHANISTAN, by Kurt Lohbeck, published by Regnery
Gateway, Washington, D.C., 1993. The author who worked for
various U.S. new organizations at different periods of the war
had unique access to U.S.-backed participants in the war. He
had personal discussions with Director of CIA, William Casey, and
President Ronald Reagan and at least once delivered money to
one of the mujahaddin group leaders supported by the CIA.
Lohbeck also went on many attack missions into Afghanistan
with the mujahaddin. Despite his close associations, Lohbeck
is essentially critical of the persecution and outcome of the
war. The CIA insisted on giving the majority of its support
to Gulbaddin Hekmatyar, a fanatic resistance leader who is also
vehemently anti-American and supports the extremist Pan-Islam
movement. Hekmatyar's power is now a major concern of our
policymakers who consider the primary enemy in the area to be
radical Islamic fundamentalism. Lohbeck also records and names
some of the humanitarian aid organizations that sprung up around
the covert operations of the CIA and frequently became so inter-
twined with them that they were inseparable--particularly the
various European NGOs. Holy War is an informative and worth-
while book.
WAR OF NUMBERS: AN INTELLIGENCE MEMOIR, by Samuel Adams,
published in 1994 by Steerforth Press. Sam Adams was a junior
CIA analyst who for years fought the CIA's and the military's
deceitfully low estimates of Vietnamese Communist strengths.
Sam died in 1988, but Steerforth Press posthumously brought
out his nearly complete manuscript. "War of Numbers" is a
masterpiece of articulate exposition about the battle in the
trenches of the Agency's Intelligence Directorate over the
Vietnam War. Adams' explanations of the processes he used to
make his determinations, the meticulous attention to detail,
and the seemingly inexplicable deficiencies of the CIA's
Intelligence Directorate that did not assign anyone full-time
to count the Viet Cong until the mid-1960s, all make this book
essential reading. "Numbers" says CIA estimates virtually
ignored what should have been its primary source - captured
enemy documents. If the Agency had used those documents it
would have had to increase the numbers of the enemy to
their real numbers, making the war an American invasion,
which it was.
THE INDOCHINA STORY: A FULLY DOCUMENTED ACCOUNT, by the
Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars, published by Pantheon
Books in New York in 1970. It is difficult to read this book
and understand how the American people could believe the lies
about the war by our Government. The book put forth in 1970 --
five years before the war ended -- a documented version of what
had happened and would happen in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos.
THE CIA UNDER HARRY TRUMAN: CIA COLD WAR RECORDS, by
Dr. Michael Warner, published by the History Staff, Center
for the Study of Intelligence, Central Intelligence Agency,
Washington, D.C. The book contains a compilation of Top
Secret Documents outlining the transition of the OSS to the
CIA; The CIA under DCI Hillenkoetter: and, the Smith Years -
1950 to 1952. There is a minimum of editorializing with
the flow of the book supported by copies of Top Secret
documents. The Agency's (required) view of the world
threatened by the International Communist Conspiracy and
the falling dominoes, comes through vividly in the various
position papers and intelligence estimates.
THE CIA'S DARKEST SECRETS: AN EXCLUSIVE INVESTIGATION OF
CORRUPTION AND INCOMPETENCE IN AMERICA'S SPY SERVICE. The cover
article of the 4 July 1994 issue of U.S. News & World Report.
Foreign Policy magazine, Winter 1993-1994, an article by
Marvin Ott, "SHAKING UP THE CIA." An establishment criticism
of the CIA's intelligence with recommendations for reform.
The criticisms and recommendations have been around for years
but now the atmosphere may be ripe for accomplishing some change.
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY: 1993 ANNUAL REPORT. The
document outlines NED activities throughout the world in Latin
American and the Caribbean, Africa, the Middle East, Asia,
Central and Eastern Europe, and the republics of the former
Soviet Union. The report gives a nation-by-nation account of
the various institutions and their leaders funded by NED and
should be required reading for political activists and policy-
makers for all countries and persuasions. The names of all
supported institutions have been entered into CIABASE.
JOURNAL OF DEMOCRACY, a quarterly published by the
National Endowment for Democracy and John Hopkins University
Press. The Journal includes writings by many who are apparently
subsidized writers. Names of authors and titles of some writings
contained in issues of the Journal have been entered into CIABASE.
We may assume that some of these persons are on the U.S.-National
Endowment for Democracy payroll - or to put it another way -
agents of the United States. The July 1992 issue contains
the startling announcement of a new "underground" movement in
China - the Free Trade Union of China. This announcement was
published by the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions - a long time CIA labor front organization.
PROMOTING DEMOCRACY: FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND DEFENSE AGENCIES
FUNDS AND ACTIVITIES - 1991 TO 1993, General Accounting Office
report GAO/NSAID-94-83, January 1994. The report breaks down
support for democracy in the regions of the world by agency or
department with dollar totals for 1991, 1992 and 1993.
NED AT 10, Foreign Affairs Magazine, Summer 1994, by Thomas
Carothers.
THE BIG WHITE LIE, by Michael Levine, published in 1993 by
Thunder's Mouth Press. Many of the book's claims are apparently
valid, but the manner of their presentation and hyperbole make
it difficult to separate fact from dramatic license. Collateral
reporting, including a 60 Minutes segment, shows the CIA was
duped into facilitating drug shipments to the United States to
authenticate penetration operations.
SPIES AND PROVOCATEURS: A WORLDWIDE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
PERSONS CONDUCTING ESPIONAGE AND COVERT ACTION, 1946-1991,
by Wendell L. Minnick, published in North Carolina in 1992
by McFarland & Company, Inc. The book contains a very useful
and comprehensive inventory of known espionage cases and
personalities-from the KGB to the CIA. The book also lists
key events in a chronology at the back of the book. Its
alphabetical catalog of agents and officials, with brief
descriptions, makes it a one-of-a-kind resource. In some
cases Minnick's 's details seem over simplified but can be an
important aid to further research. CIABASE entries from the
book include names of cases related primarily to CIA, plus
a few entries about other major operations and operators.
MARITA: ONE WOMAN'S EXTRAORDINARY TALE OF LOVE AND
ESPIONAGE FROM CASTRO TO KENNEDY, by Marita Lorenz with Ted
Schwarz, published by Thunder's Mouth Press in New York in 1993.
A lover of Fidel Castro sent by CIA to kill him. The book seems
to be a mixture of fact and fiction and it is difficult to
determine which is which. Marita asserts that she rode with
anti-Castro Cubans and Lee Harvey Oswald to Dallas in November
1963 - but left before the assassination of Kennedy.
IN OUR IMAGE: AMERICA'S EMPIRE IN THE PHILIPPINES, by
Stanley Karnow, published by Random House, Inc., in 1989. In
Our Image details the role played by the United States as it
involved itself in Philippine politics-particularly after World
War Two-and gives a good account of events that led to the
removal of Marcos and the installation of Cory Aquino. Karnow
describes the blow-by-blow battle in Washington to get
President Reagan to accept Marco's removal. The book also
provides a clear and precise account of the role OPC/CIA
played in lionizing and electing Magsaysay in the 1950s and
the Agency's failed efforts in a later election.
SILENT WARFARE: UNDERSTANDING THE WORLD OF INTELLIGENCE,
Second Edition Revised. The book was originally written by
Abram N. Shulsky, with the revision prepared by Gary Schmitt.
This is the bible of the pro-intelligence set. Its definitions
and descriptions of the processes of intelligence seem precise
and could by used as a primer for CIA trainees. The book details
the scope of intelligence: human intelligence operations,
technical collection, open-source collection, the analysis
of intelligence, counterintelligence, counterespionage, and
covert action-but as is always true, pro-CIA discussions of
covert actions are useless. Surprisingly the book badly makes
an argument for politicized intelligence, "In a supportive
role, intelligence must concentrate its efforts on finding and
analyzing information relevant to the implementations of policy."
This practice accurately describes CIA's intelligence from its
inception to today.
SPECIAL OPERATIONS FORCES: FORCE STRUCTURE AND READINESS
ISSUES, GAO/NSIAD-94-105, March 1994. A General Accounting
Office study of Special Forces that criticizes and discusses
the "unified" command of United States' special operations.
For those wishing to understand the background, effectiveness,
command relationships and force structures this is an
essential document. Although treating special operations only
in general terms, it does summarize the plans and uses of the
Special Forces.
Ralph McGehee
CIABASE
------------------------------------------------
(This file was found elsewhere on the Internet and uploaded to the
Radio Free Michigan archives by the archive maintainer.
All files are ZIP archives for fast download.
E-mail bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu)